I. Why has Chinese aircraft research and development progressed so quickly?

一、中国研发飞机为什么这么快

The debut and first test flight of the J-20 fourth-generation fighter jet was a joyous occasion for the Chinese people.¹ But the significance of the project is not limited to national defense.

中国第四代军机J-20的亮相和第一次试飞，令国人欢欣鼓舞。但其意义决不限于国防方面。

Nobody would now doubt the validity of the J-20 fighter program. Why was it able to be put into development so quickly? Song Xiaojun² addressed this question in a recent television interview and summed it up with three statements:

现在已经没有人再敢怀疑J-20的真实性了。我们的研制速度为什么这么快？宋晓军在电视节目中谈到这个问题，有人将其归结为三句话：

First, our population is large. This means that we have a lot of engineers. We have a lot of technicians. We have a lot of people working in research and development programs.

第一，我们人多。指的是我们工程师多，科技工作者多，搞研发的人多。

Second, we have a lot of money. Even if many may be utterly incredulous at this second point, it is true. Many people do not know that China’s manufacturing value-added output, even adjusted for exchange, already ranks at the same level as the United States.³ From this point forward, it will grow at a speed that leaves all competitors behind.

第二，我们钱多。尽管很多人可能根本就不相信这一点，但这是事实。很多人都不知道，我们的制造业增加值，即使按汇率计算，也已经与美国持平，而今后，则将迅速将其落下。

Third, from the first and second points, we can infer that we can do things quicker than America could at the same point.

第三，从第一、第二两条可以推论，我们搞得肯定比美国当年快。

I agree with Song Xiaojun’s appraisal. Are we more accurate than the pessimists? We’ll come back to that later.

我同意宋晓军的估计。是我们的估计更准确，还是那些悲观论者更准确？我们就往后看吧。

II. The capacity and determination for realizing China’s industrialization

二、中国实现工业化的决心和能力

Independently designing and manufacturing advanced aircraft embodies a nation’s combined industrial and technological capacity. The greatest significance of the development of a fourth-generation fighter is that it clearly shows the capacity and determination of the Chinese [people] on the road of industrialization.

先进飞机的独立设计与制造，是一个民族科技工业综合能力的体现。四代机研发成功，最大的意义就在于它突出展现了中国人在工业化道路上的决心和能力。

The matchless determination of the Chinese nation to wipe off the stain of humiliation by industrializing has no peer. Since 1840 and the Opium War, we have sought to cast off our fate of being bullied and enslaved by foreigners, to catch up with and then surpass the West in science and technology, to return to the glory of our ancestors, and to become strong and prosperous.⁴ For more than one hundred and seventy years, this was the pursuit of our entire nation. No one could subvert this drive. As Chairman Mao said, our desire was for China to once again stand tall among the nations of the world.⁵ This was a rather tactful way of putting it. Chairman Mao also said that China should make even more impressive contributions to the world than other nations.⁶ What does that mean? To state [the point] in other words, it means we need to surpass other countries.

近代以来中华民族通过实现工业化来一雪耻辱的决心是无比强烈举世罕匹的。从1840年鸦片战争以后，我们要摆脱被外国人欺负和奴役的命运，要在科技上赶超上去，要回归祖先的荣光 ，求强求富，这就是我们全民族的追求，170多年了，这股劲头谁也改变不了。按毛主席的话说，就是我们要重新屹立于世界民族之林，这是比较客气的说法。毛主席还说过，相对于其他民族 ，我们中国要对世界有更大的贡献。这是什么意思？这就是说我们将来要超过他们。

This view of things, this pursuit, and this determination is not invested solely in the Communist Party that Mao Zedong represented. It transcends political parties, changes in regimes, political systems, and whatever so-called cultural trends are popular among intellectuals of a particular period. From Zeng-Hu-Zuo-Li⁷ to Kang-Liang⁸ to Sun Wen⁹ to Jiang Jiesh,i¹⁰ it has always been this way. Of course, the actual achievements [of these figures] are another matter entirely.

这种想法、追求、决心，绝对不仅仅是以毛泽东为代表的共产党才有的，这是超越政党，超越政权的更替 ，超越政治制度，超越一时的知识分子中流行的所谓的文化思潮的。从曾胡左李，到康梁，到孙文，到蒋介石，也莫不如此。当然成就另当别论。

Determination is not enough; capacity is required, too. In that respect, we benefited greatly from the traditions of our ancestors, accumulated over thousands of years. I believe, first of all, that a nation capable of creating intricate works of art will also necessarily excel at producing high-end manufactured goods. The quality of a nation’s craftsmanship during agrarian civilization will determine the quality of output during industrial civilization and the size of a nation’s population of skilled craftsmen will be a determining factor on the road to industrialization, perhaps to the extent that it might decide global leadership. In light of this, we must respect European civilization—however, given our long tradition of craftsmanship, we also have a claim to excellence.

光有决心是不够的，还要有能力。在此我们受惠于祖先几千年积累而成的传统。首先我认为，一个能制作出非常繁复的艺术品的民族，也能够擅长于制作精细、高端的工业品；一个民族 在农耕文明时期形成的手工艺素质，在工业文明时代将起到相当决定性的作用；一个民族具有高超手工艺素质的人口的多少，将决定它能否在工业化中取得强势地位，甚至将决定它能否取得 世界领导地位。在这一点上，我们尊敬欧洲文明，但我们自己也相当优秀，因为我们恰恰有长期能干细活的做精致物品的工匠的传统。

In addition, as everyone knows, we have a great tradition of emphasizing education and study. According to statistics from the West, we also have a high IQ. With these traditions, when it comes to mastering modern industry and technology, we are in no way inferior to Westerners.

除此之外，众所周知，我们还有重视教育、重视学习的 传统。另外，根据西方人的评测，我们的平均智商也高。拥有了这些传统，在驾驭现代工业和科技方面，我们就绝不输于西方人。

This is not a novel statement! In fact, it was advanced in the 1930s, precisely when China was in its darkest hour, by British historian of science J.D. Bernal in a volume called The Social Function of Science. ¹¹ He said quite clearly that the Chinese have no problem with science: “…[F]rom what has been done [in science and learning] it is possible to see that Chinese cultural traditions, suitably modified, give an extraordinarily good basis for scientific work. Indeed, with the care, steadiness, and sense of balance shown in all other forms of Chinese culture, there is reason to believe that China may have at least as great a contribution to make to the development of science as the West, if not greater.”

其实我这种见解并不新鲜，比如说上世纪三十年代——那个 时候中国正处在最暗淡的时期，英国科学史学者贝尔纳在其名着《科学的社会功能》中就指出，中国人搞科学是没问题的：“从中国已有的成绩可以看出，经过适当改造的中国文化传统，可 以为科学事业提供一个非常良好的基础。的确，只要有了表现在中国文化的一切形式中的那种细心、踏实和分寸感，我们可以有理由相信中国还会对科学做出即令不比西方更大，至少也和西 方一样大的贡献。”

The result of the above-mentioned pressures and cultural traditions is the development of an educational foundation much more impressive than that of other countries. This means that we have the capacity to compete with and even surpass the West. The contemporary competition over technology and industrialization is multifaceted, but crucial to it is having a high quality workforce¹² that ranges from the average worker to engineers and technicians.

由于上述现实压力与文明传统相结合，产生了一个歪打正着的现实结果，就是与世界其他国家相比，我们的基础教育太好了。这让我们拥有了与西方诸强展开竞争甚至进一步完成超越的 能力。现代工业与科技的竞争，千条万绪，最核心的就是要有高素质的劳动力，包括普通工人到工程师和科学家。

 Of course, many countries, especially in the developed world, have high quality workforces, but we still have an advantage, since we have the talent and also the numbers. Take the United States as an example: if you exclude China, America has the best quality and largest labor force, which has allowed them to attain their hegemonic position.  India has a population close to our own, but, for reasons that we will not get into now, the quality of their workforce is much lower. It’s really that simple. But some people still can’t see that China has the advantage over the United States. In Unrestricted Biochemical Warfare, ¹³ Chai Weidong says that it is easier to transmit a library of lies than a single sentence of the truth. Why do I speak so forcefully on these matters? What are the advantages that the Chinese possess that others do not? To make it simple, there is only one point: China has a greater number of high quality workers.

当然这个世界上很多国家都有高素质的劳动力，发达国家劳动力普遍素质比较 高。但是，我们比他们更强的是，我们不仅有高素质的劳动力，而且数量还很多，这个他们就不如我们了。比如说美国，这个世界上如果把我们中国刨除在外的话，它的劳动力从质量和数量 上来讲就最出色了，这成就了美国今天的霸主地位。可是我们中国比美国更多，所以我们超越它是没有问题的。印度人口跟我们差不多，但是高素质劳动力不如我们，这是事实，我们暂且不 论原因。道理就这么简单，但是现在好多人看不到，中美在这方面比较，中国占有优势。柴卫东在《生化超越战》里强调，“真传一句话，假传万卷书”。我今天讲话为什么气这么粗？中国 人的有什么别人没有的长处？大道至简，没什么多说的，就一条：中国有更多的高素质的劳动力。

Song Xiaojun once told me this: In our present world, as the industrial system grows more complex and supply chains stretch longer and longer, the only country that can encompass all of this is China. The United States does not have this ability, even if it used to. I emphatically agree with Song Xiaojun on these points. The United States does not even have independent and complete industrial supply chains to support its military, so it is forced to subcontract much of this work to allies. Of course, we must concede that their vast number of allies is one advantage they have over us. As the venerable hegemon, they have many servants, so this work can be given to them. But China doesn’t need servants; China can go it alone, which is something the United States cannot do. By itself, China can encompass the entire industrial supply chain, using its many excellent engineers, scientists, and technicians.

宋晓军有一次跟我说：在当今这个世界，工业体系越来越复杂，产业链拉得越来越长，单凭一个国家的力量就能做到覆盖整个产业链的，只有中国一国，连美国现在都没有这个能力，尽 管它过去曾有。我十分同意他的这个观点。美国自己现在都没有一个独立完整的产业链来支撑它现有的军事实力，所以它要把一些工作分包给它的盟国。当然它有这么多盟国是比我们强的地 方。它作为这个世界的老霸主，有很多仆从，它可以拿这些活让它们去干。但是中国用不着仆从，中国一个国家就可以，这一点美国绝对比不上。中国一个国家就可以覆盖整个产业链，靠的 是中国有无数优秀的工程师和科学家以及技工。

Competitiveness in an industrial age relies on these factors: making things that others cannot, making things better than others do, and making things cheaper than others can. To do those things relies on skilled technicians, scientists, and workers. China has a good supply of all of them. There are many countries where labor is cheaper than it is in China, so why do they fail to compete? It’s because the quality of their labor force is not as high [as ours].

工业时代竞争靠的无非就是这几条：别人造不出来的东西你能造出来，别人能造出来的东西你造得比他好，别人造得同样好的东西，你造得比他便宜。要做到这几点，就得依靠无数特别 优秀的工程师和科学家以及技工，而今天中国拥有得最多。劳动力比中国还廉价的国家有的是，它们为什么就不行呢？是因为他们劳动力的素质不如中国。

After expressing gratitude to our ancestors for this, we should thank China’s primary and secondary school teachers. Perhaps they do not see this bigger picture. They might not have any knowledge of the things we have discussed so far. However, the work they do, without attracting any public attention, produces students that outperform their peers in developed countries in both math and science. This is why we can be so confident about the present global competition. A short time ago, students from Shanghai, representing China in a standardized international exam, captured first place in language, math, and science. By comparison, American students do not place among the upper echelon except in language. It is precisely because we have so many talented students that we will be able to realize future inventions that will one day surpass the fourth-generation fighter. I realize that many people might disagree with this point, so I will set it aside for the moment and return to it later.

感谢了祖先以后，我们还要感谢今天中国广大的中小学教师。也许他们并没有这样的大局观，他们不知道前面我们讲的那些东西，但是，正是他们的默默无闻的工作为我们培养出了大量 的优秀的学生，这些学生在数学和科学上超过了其他发达国家的学生，使我们在竞争中充满了信心。不久前上海学生代表中国首次参加国际标准化测试，语文、数学和科学就都得了第一名。 美国的学生不仅跟中国比是不行的，在发达国家当中也不名列前茅，只有语文测试还凑合。正是有了这么多优秀的学生，使得我们将来可以制造出无数像四代机这样的惊喜。这一点可能好多 人不同意，今天暂不展开，将来专门论述。

Industrialization requires a high quality workforce. Conversely, there is a great danger in continuing to produce a high quality workforce when the nation is in a state of industrial stagnation. This is a great danger. You must find an outlet for all of these young people with talent in math and science. You can’t simply ignore them. The Foxconn suicides can be taken as an example of this problem.¹⁴ Although conditions at the plant were relatively good for China, with all the facilities that workers might desire, they still killed themselves. This is proof that our high quality workforce cannot be satisfied with [only] basic living and working conditions.

工业化需要高素质的劳动力，反过来说，如果有了高素质的劳动力，而你却在工业化上停滞不前，那也是很危险的。你必须给我们这些具有极好的数学和科学潜能的年轻人找到出路，不 给他们出路是不行的。就拿富士康跳楼事件来说，平心而论，富士康的工作条件在中国算是好的，里面卫生、娱乐、体育、健身设施等等都很完备，但是照样这么多人跳楼，说明了什么？说 明了我们这么优秀的劳动力是不可能满足于像富士康这样低级别的工作与生活的。

To merely offer China’s high quality workforce jobs at Foxconn is an insult and a misuse of talent. Many people have a misconception, dismissing the type of people that work at these facilities in places like Dongguan as merely migrant workers from the countryside.¹⁵ In fact, although they may have grown up in the countryside, most have been educated at universities in the city. Even if we are talking about workers without a university education, their problem is not that they lack quality, since they very likely outstrip the average American college graduate in this regard, but rather the problem for them is often the lack of resources for post-secondary education. Last year, when Time Magazine named the Chinese worker their “Person of the Year,”¹⁶ the people they chose to photograph for the cover were quite representative—not dumb brutes but clearly intelligent and confident. Of course people like that will refuse to work under the conditions experienced by the first generation of migrant workers. In the past all that workers arriving in the city expected was a job and a hot meal, but that is no longer the case. Because they are of higher quality than the first generation, they demand a job and lifestyle worthy of their abilities.

仅仅只能给中国那些高素质的劳动力提供富士康那样的工作，其实就是委屈人家，就是屈才。大家都有点误会，以为在那个DG干活的不就是些农民工嘛。其实不然，好多人可能小时候是 农村的，长大后人家已经是正儿八经的大学生了。就算不是大学生，那更多的也是因为我们大学的教育资源不够，不是他素质低，他的素质很可能远远高于美国那些上大学的人。去年美国《 时代周刊》评年度人物，是中国的农民工。其封面上的那几个工人，是很有代表性的，决不是傻大黑粗的样貌，而是透露着精明和自信。你现在拿第一代农民工的待遇来打发他们，他们当然 不干了。过去是有份活干、有口饭吃就可以了，现在不行了，饭和活他们都挑剔了，因为他们的素质比第一代强多了，他们要求的是配得上他们能力的工作和生活。

Therefore, Chinese politicians, whatever their predisposition, must find a way to create space for this next generation of scientists and technicians to develop themselves. They cannot be confined to a production line at a Foxconn plant. This is an important measure to ensure future social stability. After all, what if the disaffected worker decides not to jump off the building but to go and do something more extreme? So, maintaining social stability means finding a use for future scientists and technicians, which means pursuing industrialization. Is there any other way? The key variable for determining the course of China’s future development is thus the massive number of talented technical and scientific workers. This will hold true no matter what political system China may adopt or who our political leaders may be.

所以中国的政治家，无论 其自身的爱好倾向如何，都必须为我们这些具有很优秀的科学家和工程师潜能的年轻人找到更好的出路，要给这些人创造发展空间。你得让他们当科学家和工程师，而不是当富士康的这种血 汗工厂里的工人。这是未来维护社会稳定的一个非常重要的任务。他要是不跳楼而去干别的了呢？所以你要维持社会稳定，你就要给我们这些具有科学家和工程师潜质的人找到出路，你不往 高端工业化道路上走怎么行呢？你不输出工业化怎么行呢？所以说，中国大量理工科人才的存在这件事本身，就是决定中国社会发展方向的一个重要变量。这一点无论什么政治制度都改变不了 ，更惶论具体的政治领导人是谁。

III. Let the Americans sing and dance for us while we smelt our iron

三、我们宁可打铁炼铜，让美国人为我们载歌载舞

[Song] Xiaojun called me up the other day and said: We need to make it clear that what Steve Jobs accomplished does not count as high-end. I replied: What he accomplished with the first two generations of Apple, improving the mouse, and developing a graphical interface before Microsoft did–that counts as high-end. Now he is working on the iPhone and things like that. Despite being very profitable, they do not qualify as high-end.

晓军有一天打电话跟我说：乔布斯搞的那些东西不是高端，这一点我们得讲清楚。我说：乔布斯搞苹果一代、二代、改进鼠标并推广其使用、在微软视窗之前做出图形界面，这些确实 都是高端，现在他搞的iphone之类，虽然很赚钱，但绝不是什么高端。

Moreover, what is there to admire in the American financial industry, in Hollywood, in the Grammys, or in the NBA? We should keep smelting our iron and let the Americans do the singing and dancing. Iron and copper contain strength, and those things they pass their time with are like the decadent playthings of the Eight Banners.¹⁷ At present, we are building the world’s largest 80,000-ton stamping die,¹⁸ which will allow us to make aerospace parts much more efficiently than the Americans can. That is truly high-end!

还有什么金融业、好莱坞、格莱美、NBA，我们决不要去羡慕。我们宁可打铁炼铜，让美国人去为我们载歌载舞。因为打铁炼铜才是力量所在，而那些东西，都是八旗败家的玩意儿。现在，我们正在建造世界上最大的八万吨级锻压机，它可以让我们比美国更有效率地制造飞机部件，而且还在计划建造更大的， 这些东西才是真正的高端。

IV. Industrialization must become China’s universal value

四、工业化将成为中国的普世价值

On the foundation of a high quality workforce, industrialization has the potential to transform not only China’s appearance but the face of the entire world. It has the power to determine not only the fate of China, but the fate of the planet. Industrialization cannot be restricted to China, after all. We must go out to meet the world.¹⁹ Not only do we want our products to “go global,” we also want our industrialization to go global, and our high-quality talent to go global. We can spread industrialization to every corner of the world. Many of our scientists and technicians will travel around the world to work, bringing with them civilization, a dignified existence, and relief from poverty. This is one thing that Westerners have been unwilling or powerless to accomplish.

以这些高素质劳动力为基础的工业化，不仅将改变中国的面貌，还将改变整个世界的面貌，不仅将决定中国的命运，还将决定世界的命运。工业化不可能局限于我们中国国内，我们一定会走出去。不仅仅我们的产品走出去，还要让我们的工业化走出去，让我们的高素质的人才走出去，让这个世界其他角落都实现工业化。我们有大量的科学家和工程师将来要到世界其他地方去工作，给他们带来文明，带来体面的生活，解决他们的贫困问题。这是西方人不愿意做或者也没能力做的一件事。

 It’s true that Westerners were the pioneers of industrialization. They invented and created many things. There is no denying their contribution to the world. However, they have failed to bring the radiance of industrial civilization to everyone in the world. In Africa, for example, they plundered and pillaged, from the slave trade to the exploitation of oil and diamonds, but they refused to allow Africans to enjoy the rewards of industrialization. They did not allow Africans to live like them.

西方人确实是工业化的开创者，他们发明创造了很多很多的东西，我们不能说他们对这个世界上这些贡献是小的。但是，西方人没能让工业文明的光芒，照到这个世界的每一个人身上。 比如说非洲，他们掠夺了非洲，从奴隶贩卖到石油、钻石，却没有让非洲人民享受工业化的成果，没能让非洲人过上像他们那样的生活。

I started with the fourth-generation fighter, but I am not saying that a few great weapons should allow us to lord over the world. We want the lives of others to improve. This is where the Chinese approach differs from the Western approach. As a matter of fact, Chinese industrialization is already spreading, without any top-down planning, ideology, culture, or public opinion building. The economy of Africa has grown from Chinese contributions. The African people are better off than they were before. Chinese industrialization is already benefiting the world and bringing the light of industrial civilization. We have done what the West could not.

前面我们是从四代机讲起的，但是我们绝不是说，以为只要有些好的武器就会在这个世界上当老大了，我们没有那么狭隘，那么黩武。我们变好的同时也是要别人变好，这是中国人跟西 方先驱不一样的地方。实际上，在没有上层规划，没有思想、文化、舆论建设的情况下，中国的工业化已经走向了世界。非洲由于中国的存在经济发展上来了，非洲人民过得比过去好了。中国的工业化已经在惠及这个世界上没有被工业文明所照到的那些角落。西方人做不到的我们做到了。

In The Chinese in Africa, ²⁰ the author asks an American expert if he is worried about China’s expansion. The American expert answers that he is grateful. God bless them, he says, they are doing good things in Africa, and the West is not. The book argues that Chinese contributions have put Africa back on the path of development. This is high praise. But isn’t it a meritorious achievement to have pulled a continent on the brink of extinction back from the edge? That is a universal value. Giving hundreds of millions a chance at a better life, with clean water to drink, and access to electricity—how are these not universal values? This is much more powerful than empty words [offered by Westerners].

《中国人在非洲》这本书讲到，当他们问一个美国非洲问题专家，说中国在非洲扩张你们美国人担心不担心的时候？那个美国专家说，上帝保佑中国人吧，毕竟是中国人在非洲干了这些 好事，而西方人没干。《中国人在非洲》总结道，中国把非洲这么一个有好几亿人口，却漂离了人类发展的轨道的大陆给拽了回来。这是极高的评价。你把一个大陆从濒临灭绝的这种境地拉 了回来，这难道不是万世不朽的功德吗？这就是我们的普世价值。让几亿人住上更好的房子，喝上干净的水，用上电，这怎么不是普世价值？这不比那些空话强多了嘛。

Who says we lack universal values? Democracy is not the only universal value. Science is a universal value. Industrialization is a universal value. Unlike Westerners, we want to make sure industrialization benefits everyone. This is China’s universal value, which is the universal value at our present stage of development. We acknowledge that our present way of life has problems. It is not good enough yet. This means that we must improve both how we live and our social system. The goal must not be merely to be better than present-day China but to be even better than the West. By that point we will benefit everyone around the world not only with our industry but also with our superior social system.

谁说我们没有普世价值？不仅民主是普世价值，科学也是普世价值，工业化也是普世价值。与西方不同，我们要让工业化惠及地球上每一个人，这就是中国的普世价值，就是我们现阶段的普世价值。我们承认我们目前的生活方式有问题，不够好，在这个意义上我们还要改进自己的生活方式，社会制度，而且进一步，不仅要比现在的中国好，而且要比西方更好。到那时，不仅要让工业化，我们还要让我们这整套更好的社会制度来惠及地球上的每一个人。

Those Chinese intellectuals that refuse to endorse the pursuit of the West, who say that we need our own [essentially Chinese] values, and who assert that we have a special system, are showing a lack of self-confidence. They refuse to embrace universal values and speak instead of values essential to China. In fact, our ancestors spoke of universal values and called on the entire world under heaven²¹ to learn from the universal values of Confucius and Mencius. Later, we fell behind, became afraid of the West’s talk of universal values, and started to emphasize our own particular values. But when we have once again risen in strength, we can bring forth new universal values of our own.

现在中国那些不大赞成追随西方的知识分子，在他们反对普世价值，强调特殊价值的时候，实际上还是一种没有自信的表现。我们的祖先其实是讲普世价值的，全“天下”都要向我们的文明靠拢学习，这就是孔子和孟子的普世价值。后来我们衰落了，反而怕了西方的普世价值，强调我们有自己的特殊价值。等到我们再强起来的时候，我们还会拿出我们自己新的普世价值来。

In terms of China’s strategic international position, we do not need to press for any further territorial claims to be addressed. Nine point six million square kilometers is sufficient as a base of operations. Of course, even if we do not press on territorial claims, we must exert an influence in other regions. Those are two different matters.

从中国大的国际战略格局来说，我们确实没有必要向任何其他国家再提出领土要求，960万平方公里土地作为一个大本营已足够了。当然，我们不对其他国家提出领土要求，不意味着我们 不在其他地区发挥影响，这是两回事。

V. The Sentimental Party: the greatest obstacle to China’s industrialization

五、中国工业化的绊脚石——情怀党

Regarding China’s future prospects and industrialization, my optimism might surprise many people. In fact, all of the things I have pointed out are obvious facts. Why would anybody be surprised? It’s simple: mainstream opinion does not take any of this seriously. The intellectuals with discursive power will not admit any of it. Many turn a blind eye. Why?

我对中国的前景、对中国工业化的前景如此乐观，可能多数人会感到惊讶。其实我指出的不过是显而易见的事实而已。为什么会产生惊讶？很简单，主流舆论根本不重视这一点。掌握话 语权的知识分子不承认这一点，好多人对此就是视而不见。为什么？

Here, I would like to introduce another dimension: the Industrial Party and the Sentimental Party. There are many possible dimensions [on which we can] discussing and analyze human society: rich and poor, men and women, ethnic divisions, racial divisions, and so forth. The present situation in China requires understanding this other dimension—the Industrial Party and the Sentimental Party. According to Song Xiaojun, these terms were invented by a lady reporter at a major newspaper.²² Members of the Industrial Party, as the name implies, are inclined toward further industrialization. In terms of their intellect, they are more suited to work in industry. That does not mean that everyone in the Industrial Party is an engineer, since I consider myself a member but do not work in industry. People in the Industrial Party are similar to scientists or engineers in the way they think about things. That is not to say that they are without emotion. They have their own sentimentality. When I saw the fourth-generation fighter take flight, I did not break down and sob as some young people did, but a tear did come to my eye. That is emotion, but it is the emotion of the Industrial Party.

在此，我要引入工业党和情怀党这一维度。讨论和分析人类社会有很多的维度，比如说穷富维度，男女维度，民族维度，种族维度，等等。以中国现在的情况来看，确实存在着另外一个 维度，就是工业党对情怀党。据宋晓军说，这一提法是某大报的一个女记者发明的。顾名思义，工业党有工业化倾向，相对而言从知识结构、智能上来讲，比较适合于搞工业的——当然了， 他不一定非从事工业，比如说我认为我自己就是个工业党，但是我没有从事工业工作。思考问题的方式，他比较类似于科学家和工程师，而且他喜欢这类东西。工业党不是不讲情怀，他有自 己的情怀，比如说我看到四代机，虽不能像有些年轻人那么“眼泪哗哗的”，但我确实有几次眼睛湿润了，这也叫情怀，但是这是工业党的情怀。

The Sentimental Party, in contrast, prefers to focus on emotion in their lectures about morality and culture. They have a limited ability to use logic or scientific concepts, and they lack technical knowledge. In terms of their values, they tend to downplay achievements made in industry. In many ways, they are like the literati of pre-industrial and agricultural period. ①

至于情怀党呢，乐衷于讲情怀讲道德讲文化 讲情绪。能力方面，他们在逻辑、数学、科技知识上比较差，跟科学家、工程师有较大差别。从价值取向来说，他们往往倾向于忽视、贬低工业方面取得的成就。他们其实更多地带有前工业 文明或者说农业文明时代的纯粹文人的特色。①

 At present, the main ideological factions in China are the left and the right (that is, the liberals).²³ Both left and right belong to the Sentimental Party. What they have in common is that they underestimate the achievements of China’s industrialization and tend to look at America as a god. They believe that it is not possible for Americans to have flaws, or for them to be inferior to us. The right worships and adores America. They want to stand with America, to the point that some of them have become part of what may be called the Lead-the-Way-Party, as they would gladly march at the front of an invading American column. The left may be anti-American in outlook, but they also believe completely in the myth of American invincibility. So, whatever happens in Chinese-American relations, they will say we came out worse. The United States always wins. They are unwilling to see the difficulties that America faces. They even believe that the financial crisis was simply a trap set for the Chinese.²⁴

当前中国主流的思想派别，是左派和右派（自由派）。不论左派、右派，其实都是情怀党。具体共同表现是，他们一面低估中国工业化的巨大成就，一面把美国看成神。美国人不可能出 问题，美国人不可能不如我们。右派因此而崇拜、热爱美国，想跟美国站在一起，甚至成为了带路党——美国侵占中国，他们自愿给美国人带路。左派虽然反美，但对美国所谓不可战胜的神 话，也是深信不疑。所以中美之间发生任何事情，他们都说中国是吃了亏，美国是赢了，美国是做了个局把我们装进去了。他们闭眼看不见美国今天所面临的困境，美国自家的金融危机也成 了美国给中国设的陷阱。

By the reactions of both left and right to the fourth-generation fighter, we can see the essence of the Sentimental Party. The rightists got online to say that the plane was fake. They said it must have been concocted in Photoshop by paid posters. After they were forced to admit that it was real, they changed their line to say that the plane was simply no good. Later, they took to saying that the plane was not meant for resisting foreign invasion but suppressing local people. One young man’s comment on them was quite amusing: he said that China must really have gotten wealthy if the stealth capabilities of fourth-generation fighters are required for forced demolitions.²⁵

从四代机亮相以后左派和右派的反应，就可以看透情怀党的本质。拿网上的普通右派来说，一开始上来说四代机是假的，是政府的“五毛”走狗PS出来的。过了一阵子，知道没法说是假 的了，就改口说这个东西肯定不灵；后来不能就性能做文章了，就开始骂这个飞机不是攘外而是安内的。对此，有个年轻人对他们的评论很逗：中国人民确实富起来了，因为强拆的房子上大 概都按了相控陈雷达，所以要用四代机来拆。要没有相控阵雷达，强拆用得着四代机吗？

The average internet leftist was also quite funny. They are anti-American, so had to take a different approach from the rightists. But they also downplayed the fourth-generation fighter, claiming that the Y-10²⁶ [a narrow-body jet airliner developed in the 1970s] from back in the day was far more important. The Y-10 was a great achievement of the Chinese people, but it doesn’t in any way negate the fourth-generation fighter. To place the two aircraft in opposition is unreasonable. Another thing they said was that since the leadership is no good and the masses are no good that any weapons they possess are also useless. Further, they said that modern China is a society that celebrates material wealth, rather than uplifting the poor. Anyone excited by the fourth-generation fighter, they said, was practicing “Chinese revisionism.”²⁷

网上的普通左派也非常有意思。左派是反美的，不能跟右派一样。但是左派上来也是说，四代机没有当年的运十重要。运十是中国人民的伟大成就，但是跟四代机不矛盾，你拿运十来压 四代机丝毫没有道理。另一种说法是，现在领导人不行，人不行了什么武器都没用。再有就是说，现在的中国是个笑贫不笑娼的社会，你为四代机高兴，就是支持“中修”。

These comments are representative of the state of standard [online] commentary from the left and the right. As for right and left intellectuals, they mostly chose to ignore the J-20, and to remain silent, not knowing how to explain their positions. How could it be? A young person summed it up quite well:

这是网上的普通右派、左派的代表性言论。至于左派跟右派的那些代表性知识分子，面对J-20大都失语，选择了沉默，不知如何解释了。为什么会出现这样一种情况呢？对此，一个年轻 人总结得非常好：

“The rightists would say that a fourth-generation fighter could not be developed without constitutionalism. The leftists would say it could not be developed without the four freedoms (the free expression and airing of views, mass debate, and big-character posters) [enjoyed during the Cultural Revolution but removed from the country’s Constitution after Deng Xiaoping came to power].” But we have a fourth-generation fighter! How can they explain that?

右派讲，没有宪政就搞不出来四代机；左派讲，没有“四大”（大鸣大放大辩论大字报）就搞不出来四代机，可是事实上四代机出来了。你说他们怎么解释？

I won’t completely deny the complaints of the Sentimental Party, since, as they say, there are many gaps in the political and social system that must be made up. However, even with those remaining [gaps], we have made great progress in industrialization. This is the truth. There is no denying that. Both the left and right suffer from the same problem [in their thinking]. They think of the world according only to the dimensions that they pay attention to. They cannot see the forest for the trees.

我不是完全否定情怀党强调 的那些东西，如他们所言，中国确实在政治社会诸方面存在着很多缺陷，但是，即使存在着这种缺陷，中国人在工业化道路上还是大踏步地前进了，这是个事实。你不能否认这个成就。左派 和右派都是犯了同一毛病，他们闭眼不看这样的成就。他们以为这个世界只有他们关心的那一个维度，一叶障目不见泰山。

That is why I classify both sides of political opinion as belonging to the Sentimental Party. The world is not only about democracy versus dictatorship, leftism versus rightism, and socialism versus capitalism, but also has the dimension of industrialization. When it comes to the dimension of industry versus sentiment, both the left and right are stuck at the same point. They are both in the Sentimental Party. They do not understand Chinese industry. They do not realize that Chinese industrialization will eclipse the dimensions that they are fixated on. I believe Chinese industrialization is more important than those dimensions they pay such close attention to.

所以我这里把他们都归为情怀党。他们不知道这个世界上不仅仅只有民主专制、左派右派、姓社姓资这样的维度，实际上还有工业这样一个维度。在工业和情怀这个维度当中，他们左派和右派都被压扁在一个点上了，就是情怀党，他们一点点都不了解中国工业。而我们中国很可能在将来恰恰是工业这个维度超越了他们所关心那个维度。我认为，中国的工业化这个维度，远远重要于他们所关心那个维度。

I have many friends on both the left and right that belong to the Sentimental Party. They often say that they have no sense of China’s industrial and technological development. I point to the high-speed trains they ride and the highways they drive on as achievements. They always have clear cellular signals and fast internet, don’t they? Do they have no conscience?

我有不少私人朋友，不管左派右派，属于情怀党。与他们谈到这些问题时，他们常常说自己并没有感到中国工业、科技发展的成就。我就说你现在坐的高铁，你开车驶过的高速公路难道 不是成就吗？手机信号那么好、网速那么快难道你没有享受到吗？你怎么可以这么没良心呢？

This is the difference between the Industrial Party and the Sentimental Party. Sentimental Party does not talk about facts but only what they feel. China has so many excellent engineers and scientists, toiling unknown to the public, making great contributions to the nation and humanity. Meanwhile, the intellectuals that skim along the surface of things have a limited perspective on these contributions, sometimes even denying them. The useless Sentimental Party looks down on other people. We need to figure out why.

这就是工业党跟情怀党的差别。情怀党是不讲事实的，他们只讲他们自己个人主观感受。中国有 无数特别优秀的工程师和科学家，他们从事着默默无闻的工作，为民族为人类做出了巨大贡献，而这些浮在面上的知识分子自己什么都不会，对国家贡献非常有限甚至是负面的。一群百无一 用的情怀党，却瞧不起人家。这个理我们要讲明白。

While the right and left wings of the Sentimental Party bloviate, China’s industrialization has stealthily reached a higher level and is wider in scope than they know. Will any other country in the world be able to break our stride? I believe they cannot stand in our way. Some people may believe it is possible, but I do not see it. Perhaps it might have been possible ten years ago for some countries to unite to contain China, but that is now impossible, even with all their forces combined.

就在中国左右两派情怀党口水四溅大放空炮的时候，中国的工业化已经不声不响地走向了更高的级别和更广的范围。世界其他国家还能不能挡住我们的脚步呢？我认为根本挡不住。有些人可能还不相信，但是我觉得就是如此。如果说在十年以前，世界其他国家还有可能联起手来遏制中国的话，那么十年以后的今天即使他们都联起手来也遏制不住中国了。

With that said, does China still face any danger? Yes, but it principally comes from within. China still has many weaknesses, like corruption, [problems with] the political system, the gap between rich and poor, and so forth. But if China’s industrialization can continue to proceed in the right direction, these problems are not fatal and can be gradually resolved. The only critical problem would be the stagnation of industrialization itself. In that case, the rejuvenation of the nation would fail. The Sentimental Party would likely be the reason for any interruption to this process. Here the Sentimental Party would be the likely “stumbling block.” The danger we face comes from within. The only thing that can trip China up is China itself. That is the present situation. If the Sentimental Party gains the upper hand, it could halt the process of China’s industrialization. Therefore, the most important struggle at present is not between left and right but between the Industrial Party and the Sentimental Party.

那么，中国面临不面临危险呢？还是有危险的，主要是自己内部的。中国确实有很多弊病，比如贪污腐败、政治体制、贫富差距等等。但是在中国工业化进程中一片大好形势的情况下，这些问题都不致命，都可以慢慢解决。唯一致命的问题就是工业化进程被中断了，那我们民族就无法复兴了。能够让这种进程中断的威胁，我看主要就是情怀党。情怀党从各个方面给中国“下绊儿”，也就是说主要的危险还是内部危险。这个世界上没有其他国家能绊倒中国，只有中国自己才能绊倒中国，现在就是这个情况。如果情怀党完全得势，那就有可能阻断中国的工业化进程。因此说，中国现在最重要的斗争，与其说是左派跟右派，不若说首先是工业党跟情怀党的对决。